Today, Kyrgyzstan swore in Almazbek Atambayev as its new President, the first peaceful transition of power in the country. Молодцы! This was an historic moment and widely reported: I liked stories on MSNBC and the ever-reliable BBC, as well as reporting by 24, a Kyrgyz news agency (in Russian). The UAE-based newspaper The Nation rightly praises the achievements of outgoing President Roza Otunbayeva.
Thus today seems a good time to continue my mini series on developments in Central Asian higher education by reflecting on the Kyrgyz higher education sector. This quote from the Asian Development Bank (2011) is a useful summary of the context:
“The country faces huge challenges in economic recovery, reconstruction, and social reconciliation. Success will not be easy given the considerable pressure on public financial resources in a weakened economy. Achieving sustainable robust economic growth remains the major challenge facing the country.”
I would identify two main trends in Kyrgyz higher education since 1991:
1. The growth of private providers offering university-level courses
This trend is not unique to Kyrgyzstan – Russia in particular has seen a massive upswing in the number of private providers since the end of everything-run-by-the-state communism. The Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) estimates that Kyrgyzstan has one of the largest private funding sources in higher education in the world. This has led many commentators to claim that higher education has become a market – Slabodyanyuk even says “Временами оно даже напоминает базар. Главная цель – продать товар.” (“Sometimes they even remind of you of a bazaar. The main aim is to sell goods.”)
Often, private providers replace a gap in state funding, but in Kyrgyzstan the higher education sector has not suffered from the same cuts as in other countries: in fact, more than 20% of public expenditure goes on education (at all levels). It appears the challenges noted by the Asian Development Bank are holding the government back from achieving its goals.
This leads on to the second trend, which puts Kyrgyzstan apart from many other post-Soviet countries:
2. An emphasis on quality and participation
The country has high expectations for education and rising participation rates and overall higher education policy is oriented towards improving quality. It is the only Central Asian country to have participated in the OECD-run Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), demonstrating a commitment by the government to assessing educational levels and development at international standards. The government has also begun the process – like in Kazakhstan – of making the higher education system more compatible with the Bologna Process. However, in the 2006 PISA assessment, the country was ranked last out of 57 participating countries.
A subsequent OECD/IBRD report concludes that “there is a pressing need to modernize higher education in the Kyrgyz Republic so it can respond to the needs of a small economy for educated human capital”. The poor result of the PISA assessment must be set against the context of recent political challenges, but nevertheless indicates that the sector needs to be managed more efficiently, primarily by the Ministry of Education and Science but also by universities themselves.
Amsler has suggested that education systems in Central Asia suffer from a status of ‘global inferiority’. However, this mini report on Kyrgyz higher education suggests to me that there are some glimmers of light at the end of the tunnel, which come from the government’s commitment to making improvements. This commitment may not yet have led to the efficiency and equality of opportunity that is being strived towards, but what has happened so far is at least some progress. That is more than can be said of other post-Soviet countries.
Amsler, S. (2008). Higher Education Reform in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. In J. E. Canaan & W. Shumar (Eds.), Structure and Agency in the Neoliberal University. Abingdon: Routledge.
Asian Development Bank. (2011). Economic Trends and Prospects in Developing Asia:Central Asia.
National Tempus Office Kyrgyzstan. (October 2010). Higher Education in Kyrgyzstan: European Commission.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development & The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. (2010). Kyrgyz Republic 2010: Lessons from PISA.Paris: OECD.
Slabodyanyuk, N. (no date) Как выбрать университет? (How to choose a university?) http://www.inform.kg/ru/kak_vybrat_universitet/
The “aeroplane affair” between Russia and Tajikistan, as I suspected, shows no sign of landing (excuse the pun) anytime soon. Konstantin Parshin has – again – written an excellent article summarising what’s happened over the last few days, so if you’re not following this story elsewhere (and even if you are), do read what he has to say. He’s based in Tajikistan and clearly has his ear to the ground.
Whilst my previous post about this incident took a somewhat sardonic look at the latest episode of post-Soviet squabbling, I have since been reflecting much more seriously about the repercussions this event could have for the political scene in Tajikistan.
Think about the following sentences as a chain of events, each magnifying the impact of the one before it. The first few hundred migrants have now been sent home from Russia and there are threats that more will follow. I hear reports from Moscow-based Tajiks that they are too afraid to leave their apartments due to anti-immigrant/nationalistic feeling amongst Russians. If this continues for a while, then they will probably lose their jobs for not turning up. If they lose their jobs, they lose their source of income. They may get sent home by the Russian government in any case. So the income from migrant workers’ wages that the Tajik economy is so dependent on starts to drop. Large numbers of mainly young men, mainly from rural areas, may come back to Tajikistan, and there certainly aren’t jobs for them to go to: that’s why they left in the first place. Then consider the altered social circumstances that these men will find when they return to their villages and see how the women/old men/children have been adapting without them.
All this leaves you with a a shrinking economy and more significantly, potentially a large group of unemployed young people with not much in the world going well for them.
And it’s not just this situation which could have longer lasting impact, as stories are circulating about a host of other issues that are making people in Tajikistan angry and frustrated:
- an incident on the north-west border with Uzbekistan, where shots were fired over an alleged illegal border crossing with a possible fatality on the Uzbek side
- allegations that a pensioner in the south of Tajikistan slapped the President in anger at the government initiative asking Tajiks to buy shares in the Rogun dam project when many people don’t even earn enough through salary or pension to provide basic food and shelter for themselves and their families
- ongoing frustrations in the Gorno Badakhshan Semi-Autonomous Region in the east of the country towards the national government, where the appetite for full independence appears to be on the rise again
Now set these events and feelings against what’s happening in two other Central Asian states. Whilst the recent presidential election in Kyrgyzstan wasn’t perfect, it was at least peaceful and led to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe saying they feel “cautiously optimistic about the future of democracy in Kyrgyzstan”. And in Kazakhstan, the President – not known for his overtly democratic tendencies – has today called a snap election for January 2012 in order to try and increase the number of parties in parliament (currently just one party is represented).
And then finally consider the impact that a lot of very angry and frustrated people in other parts of the world have had over the last year, notably North Africa. No one is yet talking about whether there will be a “Libya effect” in Tajikistan, but with increasing internet literacy and access, it can be expected that many Tajiks – particularly those in urban areas – may be very knowledgeable about the events of the Arab Spring.
Add all of these parts together and you see that there are already many straws loaded on the camel’s back. The question is, just how many more straws can it take before the load will become too heavy?