Another re-posting, this time from Central Asia Online (http://centralasiaonline.com/en_GB/articles/caii/newsbriefs/2012/05/01/newsbrief-04).
If anyone out there knows Kyrgyz and would be prepared to summarise the interview for me, please get in touch! (The Russian version is the same as the English one).
Otunbayeva calls for higher education reform
BISHKEK – Former Kyrgyz president Roza Otunbayeva called for higher education reform in an interview published April 29 by Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Kyrgyz service.
To improve the quality of higher education, Kyrgyzstan should close up to 70% of its 50 universities, leaving only 10-15, she said.
Some “semi-literate professors” force their students to write summaries of the professors’ lectures and give them to the professors to prove they were paying attention or risk failing the course, she added, saying she had seen such behaviour when she worked in a university.
(c) Central Asia Online
I’d like to recommend a great article I’ve just read, The Soviet Fall and the Arab Spring.
By an experienced human rights researcher, the article provides six ideas “about what has to happen after the revolution to make change stick”.
The six ideas are:
1. There is nothing inevitable about transitions to democracy
2. Guard against misplaced blame (I found this a particularly interesting idea)
3. Institutionalize strong minority rights protections
4. International institutions matter
5. Establish concrete human rights benchmarks and give them teeth
6. Support a strong civil society
However, in the case of the post-Soviet countries featured in the article, it’s more of a sobering lesson in how human rights have not always been prioritised, and how motivation (political, individual) plays an important role in the success – or otherwise – of attempts to “make change stick”.
Happy new year! I hope you enjoyed a peaceful and happy holiday and are looking forward to what 2012 will bring.
You’ll notice I had a break from this blog too, spent with my family and friends and including a fantastic four-way Skype call on New Year’s Eve with my parents in Italy, my brother in the USA, my sister in London and my husband and me in Oxford! I also caught up with family and friends as far apart as Kyrgyzstan, Russia, Hungary and Australia as well as those closer to home. The world feels even more connected and global at times like these.
For today’s post, I thought it would be interesting to look at the new year addresses given by the leaders of the four Central Asian countries this blog covers to see if these shed any light on their hopes and plans for the year ahead.
Starting with Tajikistan, President Rakhmon makes open acknowledgement of the 1 million or so Tajiks currently living out of the country by referring to them in addition to his “co-compatriots” (i.e. the ones living in Tajikistan). He looks back on “one of the most important years” of the country’s history as it celebrated 20 years of independence, and talks several times about patriotism and national unity – signs of concern about a resurgence of the regionalism that partly led to the 1992-1997 civil war? He makes no reference to ongoing poverty in the country but instead hopes that this year will see a “growth in the authority and image of Tajikistan in the international arena.”
In Kyrgyzstan, new President Atambayev also talked about unity and how people have become more confident in themselves since showing that the country can “develop under conditions of democracy and freedom.” He spoke about the government’s accountability to the people and also the responsibility of individuals to helping ensure peace and prosperity for all. He signs off with lots of warm and wonderful wishes, including my personal favourite of the four addresses: “On this New Year’s Eve, all of us, like little children, await wonders. We believe in miracles!”
Kazakhstan‘s President Nazarbayev has a head start on the other nations due to the country’s higher levels of economic wealth and development, and this is recognised in his address. His words talk about the fact that Kazakhstan is united, and seen as a “strong, contemporary and respected nation in the world” that has one of the world’s most dynamic economies. I liked the fact that he thanked Kazakhs for their support of his “course” (i.e. pathway/decision-making) over the past year, although of course this masks underlying issues about the political system that I won’t go into right now.
President Karimov of Uzbekistan also talks about unity, so clearly this is the buzzword of the moment! He believes that 2011 was a year of wide-scale reform in the country that is recognised by the respect given by other countries (is that a reference to Hilary Clinton’s total failure to mention human rights in her recent visit?). Interestingly, he mentions climate change in a speech that seems to focus on rural issues and needs, although it is passed over quickly. Like the other leaders, he too stresses the need for his fellow citizens to help retain peace and stability but in a break from the similarity, he ends on a religious note: “may the Almighty protect us from all misfortunes and be a reliable support on our way”.
Of course, a new year’s address is never going to boldly uncover the deep and pressing problems that every country faces and I’m sure that in the coming months, the Central Asian nations will give us much to think about and that my favourite category of “bureaucratic madness” will be put to use again. But in the meantime, please enjoy this opportunity to celebrate, to think positively and to hope for a better future.
This week, four stories that at first glance appear quite different…
The UK’s Telegraph has featured a number of articles on Central Asia recently, and the report I’d like to bring to your attention now is about the opening of a new British Embassy in Kyrgyzstan. This is, as the newspaper notes, ‘despite budget cutbacks’. Why now, you might ask, especially as Britain’s had embassies in the other Central Asian nations for longer – even in Tajikistan since 2003. The UK’s Foreign Office claims that this is for ‘strategic’ reasons, principally the fact that it hosts a US airbase (though new President Atambayev says he might close that down, which would appease Russia) but also because of the countries it borders.
China is also very interested in its borderlands, as this article from China Daily about Kazakhstan demonstrates.
Despite the long queues and visa troubles, it’s essentially an upbeat story about the importance of Chinese goods to the Kazakh market. It’s fascinating to see the way China is positioned as the ‘elder brother’ in the relationship, and Kazakhstan as the poorer younger sibling – especially when the relative wealth of Kazakhstan is set against other Central Asian nations.
Eurasia.net also ran a story recently about the importance of a neighbouring country for economic benefit. However, this was the reverse of the bullish Chinese view, as in this case it’s all about how the Russian economy is propping up Tajikistan, which is now officially (according to the World Bank) the most remittance-dependent country in the world. As we saw during the recent diplomatic incident between Russia and Tajikistan, many Russians are starting to get fed up of this.
Finally, a story from Reuters about the role of nostalgia for the Soviet Union in keeping the Commonwealth of Independent States together. It brings together some of the content of the others stories I’ve mentioned and features some interesting Central Asian case studies.
So why bring these four seemingly disparate articles together? For me, there is a connection and it’s in the title of the post, which is a quote from Sun-tzu, the Chinese general and military strategist from the 5th century BCE. All of these articles show that even in a world of borders, visas and nationalism, no country can exist without political, cultural and economic relationships with other nations. Or to paraphrase 16th century English poet John Donne, “no country is an island entire of itself; every country is a piece of the continent…”
Today, Kyrgyzstan swore in Almazbek Atambayev as its new President, the first peaceful transition of power in the country. Молодцы! This was an historic moment and widely reported: I liked stories on MSNBC and the ever-reliable BBC, as well as reporting by 24, a Kyrgyz news agency (in Russian). The UAE-based newspaper The Nation rightly praises the achievements of outgoing President Roza Otunbayeva.
Thus today seems a good time to continue my mini series on developments in Central Asian higher education by reflecting on the Kyrgyz higher education sector. This quote from the Asian Development Bank (2011) is a useful summary of the context:
“The country faces huge challenges in economic recovery, reconstruction, and social reconciliation. Success will not be easy given the considerable pressure on public financial resources in a weakened economy. Achieving sustainable robust economic growth remains the major challenge facing the country.”
I would identify two main trends in Kyrgyz higher education since 1991:
1. The growth of private providers offering university-level courses
This trend is not unique to Kyrgyzstan – Russia in particular has seen a massive upswing in the number of private providers since the end of everything-run-by-the-state communism. The Organisation for Economic Co-Operation and Development (OECD) estimates that Kyrgyzstan has one of the largest private funding sources in higher education in the world. This has led many commentators to claim that higher education has become a market – Slabodyanyuk even says “Временами оно даже напоминает базар. Главная цель – продать товар.” (“Sometimes they even remind of you of a bazaar. The main aim is to sell goods.”)
Often, private providers replace a gap in state funding, but in Kyrgyzstan the higher education sector has not suffered from the same cuts as in other countries: in fact, more than 20% of public expenditure goes on education (at all levels). It appears the challenges noted by the Asian Development Bank are holding the government back from achieving its goals.
This leads on to the second trend, which puts Kyrgyzstan apart from many other post-Soviet countries:
2. An emphasis on quality and participation
The country has high expectations for education and rising participation rates and overall higher education policy is oriented towards improving quality. It is the only Central Asian country to have participated in the OECD-run Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), demonstrating a commitment by the government to assessing educational levels and development at international standards. The government has also begun the process – like in Kazakhstan – of making the higher education system more compatible with the Bologna Process. However, in the 2006 PISA assessment, the country was ranked last out of 57 participating countries.
A subsequent OECD/IBRD report concludes that “there is a pressing need to modernize higher education in the Kyrgyz Republic so it can respond to the needs of a small economy for educated human capital”. The poor result of the PISA assessment must be set against the context of recent political challenges, but nevertheless indicates that the sector needs to be managed more efficiently, primarily by the Ministry of Education and Science but also by universities themselves.
Amsler has suggested that education systems in Central Asia suffer from a status of ‘global inferiority’. However, this mini report on Kyrgyz higher education suggests to me that there are some glimmers of light at the end of the tunnel, which come from the government’s commitment to making improvements. This commitment may not yet have led to the efficiency and equality of opportunity that is being strived towards, but what has happened so far is at least some progress. That is more than can be said of other post-Soviet countries.
Amsler, S. (2008). Higher Education Reform in Post-Soviet Kyrgyzstan. In J. E. Canaan & W. Shumar (Eds.), Structure and Agency in the Neoliberal University. Abingdon: Routledge.
Asian Development Bank. (2011). Economic Trends and Prospects in Developing Asia:Central Asia.
National Tempus Office Kyrgyzstan. (October 2010). Higher Education in Kyrgyzstan: European Commission.
Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development & The International Bank for Reconstruction and Development. (2010). Kyrgyz Republic 2010: Lessons from PISA.Paris: OECD.
Slabodyanyuk, N. (no date) Как выбрать университет? (How to choose a university?) http://www.inform.kg/ru/kak_vybrat_universitet/
The “aeroplane affair” between Russia and Tajikistan, as I suspected, shows no sign of landing (excuse the pun) anytime soon. Konstantin Parshin has – again – written an excellent article summarising what’s happened over the last few days, so if you’re not following this story elsewhere (and even if you are), do read what he has to say. He’s based in Tajikistan and clearly has his ear to the ground.
Whilst my previous post about this incident took a somewhat sardonic look at the latest episode of post-Soviet squabbling, I have since been reflecting much more seriously about the repercussions this event could have for the political scene in Tajikistan.
Think about the following sentences as a chain of events, each magnifying the impact of the one before it. The first few hundred migrants have now been sent home from Russia and there are threats that more will follow. I hear reports from Moscow-based Tajiks that they are too afraid to leave their apartments due to anti-immigrant/nationalistic feeling amongst Russians. If this continues for a while, then they will probably lose their jobs for not turning up. If they lose their jobs, they lose their source of income. They may get sent home by the Russian government in any case. So the income from migrant workers’ wages that the Tajik economy is so dependent on starts to drop. Large numbers of mainly young men, mainly from rural areas, may come back to Tajikistan, and there certainly aren’t jobs for them to go to: that’s why they left in the first place. Then consider the altered social circumstances that these men will find when they return to their villages and see how the women/old men/children have been adapting without them.
All this leaves you with a a shrinking economy and more significantly, potentially a large group of unemployed young people with not much in the world going well for them.
And it’s not just this situation which could have longer lasting impact, as stories are circulating about a host of other issues that are making people in Tajikistan angry and frustrated:
- an incident on the north-west border with Uzbekistan, where shots were fired over an alleged illegal border crossing with a possible fatality on the Uzbek side
- allegations that a pensioner in the south of Tajikistan slapped the President in anger at the government initiative asking Tajiks to buy shares in the Rogun dam project when many people don’t even earn enough through salary or pension to provide basic food and shelter for themselves and their families
- ongoing frustrations in the Gorno Badakhshan Semi-Autonomous Region in the east of the country towards the national government, where the appetite for full independence appears to be on the rise again
Now set these events and feelings against what’s happening in two other Central Asian states. Whilst the recent presidential election in Kyrgyzstan wasn’t perfect, it was at least peaceful and led to the Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe saying they feel “cautiously optimistic about the future of democracy in Kyrgyzstan”. And in Kazakhstan, the President – not known for his overtly democratic tendencies – has today called a snap election for January 2012 in order to try and increase the number of parties in parliament (currently just one party is represented).
And then finally consider the impact that a lot of very angry and frustrated people in other parts of the world have had over the last year, notably North Africa. No one is yet talking about whether there will be a “Libya effect” in Tajikistan, but with increasing internet literacy and access, it can be expected that many Tajiks – particularly those in urban areas – may be very knowledgeable about the events of the Arab Spring.
Add all of these parts together and you see that there are already many straws loaded on the camel’s back. The question is, just how many more straws can it take before the load will become too heavy?